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Robert M. Young Online Writings
THE MESSINESS, AMBIVALENCE AND CONFLICT OF EVERYDAY EXPERIENCE
by Robert M. Young
What I want to talk about today is difficult to characterize, and, if I
could achieve that, it is also difficult to say what would follow. When I received the
call for papers for this years Psychoanalysis and the Public Sphere conference I had
a truly ambivalent reaction. The formulation was exquisitely and thrillingly what I would
have wished it to be, and yet I was stung with bitter irony, since I strongly believe that
our own institutions by which I mean the conference planning group, the
institutions to which most of us belong (including the Tavistock Clinic, the University of
East London and the University of Sheffield) and the culture of psychoanalysis,
psychotherapy and the helping professions will not come well out of such scrutiny.
You may say that I am being utopian in arguing that there should be
high standards of accountability in our subculture. You may even say that I am being
ultra-leftist or libertarian in believing that we are any more accountable to one another
than people in any other line of work or profession. My reply is that this conference and
its constituency have identified themselves as standing for higher values in the
psychoanalytic world, as did the initiatives and institutions associated with it.
Lets look at some of those. My perception is that many of them
have prospered but at the expense of the vision which originally brought us together. Some
have not prospered, and one or two have quite dramatically not done so. The
pioneering Centre for Psychoanalytic Studies at the University of Kent is being wound up
at the end of next year. Its director has been induced to take early retirement, and its
other staff are being returned to the departments from whence they came. There are reasons
for this concerned with academic standards and standards of student welfare. Second, Free
Association Books has been taken away from its original owners, staff and supporters by a
series of questionable manoeuvres on the part of new shareholders who did not wish to
follow the founders vision and who manipulated things and broke solemn undertakings
which resulted in their being able to take over the company and expel its originators. It
is now owned one hundred per cent by a person who is no part of our subculture and who
deeply regrets what has been lost from the company but doesnt seem to know how to
put things right. Perhaps more importantly, a site for radical publishing is in the hands
of people who do not share or even comprehend our politics or values.
There have recently been major splits in at least two of the
psychotherapy organizations whose members are, I submit, natural affiliates of our
conference, the Arbours Association and the Philadelphia Association. Both concerned quite
fundamental questions of principle about democracy and how one should treat colleagues.
Both concerned hierarchies. Both concerned sexual politics. Of course, the disputants
inevitably disagree over what the issues really are. In certain other psychotherapy
training programmes and MA programmes in psychoanalytic studies there are serious issues
about standards, appointments and management. A major organization which provided a forum
for debate and which was thought to be free from sectarian affiliation has become captive
to a single voice, and the pluralists have left its management committee. I am referring
to THERIP, The Higher Education Network for Teaching and Research in Psychoanalysis, which
is now a Lacanian front.
And then there is the much lager issue of the relations between the
UKCP and the BCP, about which I have written a number of essays. What is important about
this, for the purposes of this essay, is the effect it has on peoples minds and
self-esteem. There is a hegemony, as a result of which people who care about standards are
told that they have to line up with the BCP. I am very weary of this issue, but I continue
to feel that people of the left, some of whom attend this conference more or less
regularly, have chosen not to see that quite basic political issues are involved in this
conflict. The ruthless, unscrupulous and unremitting machinations of the BCP are so
devious that I cannot briefly and accurately summarize them here, thought I have tried to
do so in essays at my web site. Suffice it to say that both the process and the current
situation are undemocratic and inimical to freedom of choice, in particular, the choice to
belong to both organizations. I am not suggesting that the promoters and defenders of the
UKCP are white hats, while those who promote the BCP are blackguards. There is a mixture
as in all realities. However, there is a line-up of forces which I find sinister, and it
is not confined to clinical training organizations. It connects to an axis of patronage
which reaches across London and links two key institutions of enlightenment and promotion
of the psychoanalytic vision. The two absolutely key patrons in those institutions are on
the wrong side of the UKCP/BCP debate, and their protégés and close colleagues are
strikingly silent or unwilling to engage with the issue, just as the BCP is very reluctant
to take part in public debate. (I also remain struck by the unwillingness of one of these
people to acknowledge his role.) I am not just referring to the issues which are overtly
controverted between these organizations. Perhaps more fundamentally, I am trying to raise
the question of how decisions get made. I mean the role of deference, cronyism and
nepotism in the subculture of the psychoanalytic left in this matter, as in others
concerning not only the UKCP and BCP but also the University Association of Psychoanalytic
Studies, the Universities Psychotherapy Association and the various university courses and
psychotherapy trainings which make up much of our clinical and academic world.
You may say, It was ever so! and point me to the literature
on the history of psychoanalytic organizations, for example, in Britain, France and North
and South America. In particular, you could point me to Elisabeth Roudinescos recent
writings on psychoanalysis in France and her biography of Lacan and claim that compared to
those settings we are models of civility and have managed to avoid the cult of the
psychoanalytic guru. You could also point me to the literature on group relations,
institutions and to theories about the circulation of elites. One of the best articles I
have ever read was one by Barbara Heyl about the group of people around L. J. Henderson at
Harvard 1n the 1930s, and how his Harvard Pareto Circle was imbued with
organic analogies intermixed with the conservative social theories of Vilfredo Pareto, an
Italian social philosopher, to lay the foundations of American functionalist social
science in the writings of Crane Brinton, George C. Holmans and, above all, Talcott
Parsons, the doyen of American conservative functionalist social science, and mentor to
the doyen of the sociology of science, Robert K Merton. Donna Haraway tells a number of
stories which interdigitate with this one in tracing the rise of biological psychology and
psychiatry, primatology, systems theory and cognitive science in her magisterial study, Primate
Visions: Gender, Race and Nature in the World of Modern Science. A continuation of
this story is being enacted before our eyes in the development of Darwinian psychology
from these same roots in biologistic social science which extends from the sociobiology of
the 1930s to the reformulated discipline of the same name under the inspiration of E. O.
Wilson in 1975 and on to the current and putatively all-encompassing vogue of Darwinism in
psychology which, according to Daniel Dennett, embraces epistemology and everything else.
He quite literally calls it a universal solvent. There is a growing hegemony
in the human sciences around the selfish gene, the current rendering of the Victorian
concept of the survival of the fittest.
I am not sketching these developments as a digression. What I want to
draw attention to is the fine texture of the network of power and patronage which makes
this sort of hegemony possible. Haraway details it institution by institution, appointment
by appointment, journal by journal; Heyl offers a microscopic study of a single patronage
network in a single university. My aim in this paper is to suggest that we are not
exceptions to this sort of wielding of intellectual and political power, and our junior
colleagues and students are just as constrained by our beliefs and affiliations as are the
characters in the stories told by Heyl and Haraway. In the midst of the UKCP/BCP debate I
vividly remember making a straightforward moral criticism of the behaviour of the then
head of my training organization, only to be told by a member of the committee of this
conference that such criticisms made her uncomfortable, and shed rather not hear
them, since he had been her much-admired supervisor. The message was not to speak ill
even in a different context of the political behaviour of a significant
figure, a mentor, in her clinical training. In suggesting that many of the activities in
our world are bounded by the patronage of two key mentors, I am not saying that the
UKCP/BCP issue is central for everyone. Rather, I am trying to convey something about a
political space which is more narrowly bounded that those who live within it may
acknowledge or be aware of, any more than they consciously experience the political limits
imposed on their imaginations, affiliations and activities. It is in living within such
consensual boundaries that we find hegemony, ideology and the unconscious coming together
and truncating peoples clinical and theoretical work and their social relations,
broadly conceived.
As I mentioned in my plenary address last year, a number of the
founders of this conference are now in positions of authority and patronage. Mike Rustin,
Andrew Cooper, Andrew Samuels, Paul Hoggett,. Barry Richards, Bob Hinshelwood and I are
all professors, and Karl Figlio is head of a centre. I own two journals, have founded a
third, am on the board of ten and am currently involved in setting up several new ones.
Bob Hinshelwood has founded two, and a new one on the history of psychoanalysis is about
to be launched. I have published over three hundred volumes and have written and edited
another dozen or so. Margot Waddell is co-editor of a new and exciting list of books
exclusively from the Tavistock Clinic which is being published by Duckworth. We function
within affiliations, make alliances, indulge in and elicit forms of deference and defend
loyalties, e.g., in at least one case, a relatively uncritical loyalty to the Institute of
Psycho-analysis. We are, in our subculture, the sorts of people about whom papers like
Barbara Heyls and books like Donna Haraways will be written in due course.
It must be said that we are the senior generation. For example, I am
three years off the retiring age. And yet, in spite of all of our shared ideals and
histories, it is my settled view that we are in no serious sense personally or
politically accountable to one another. You may say, Why should we be?
To be sure, I am not on the appointments committees of either of the universities which
recently made appointments with which I strongly disagreed. Indeed, I dont seem to
have much say about appointments in my own university. I cannot ring up an old friend and
ask why he is treating a candidate for a university post in a way which distresses me or
warn against appointing someone who I know is truly impossible. Strictly speaking, of
course, I have no standing I these matters. Come to that, in previous years I
found it well nigh impossible to make criticisms of people not doing what they said they
would on the planning committee for this conference or make criticisms for treating fellow
committee members in wounding ways. There seems to be no way of working things through or
even thrashing them out. It is assumed that strong disagreement is bad, that it is not
done. People who strongly disagree just go away. There is no structured way of pursuing a
sustained process of conflict resolution. My impression is that we adhere to the taboos
about what can and cannot be discussed which are characteristic of what is called
professional ethics, and that means no critiques of character or collegial
dynamics. People who have institutional power exercise it in traditional ways and tend not
to involve many colleagues in strategic thinking. On one strategy committee it became
increasingly clear that what was happening was really a series of plebiscites. Plans were
to be aired, and then, after people had freely expressed their views, the
director would do what he had originally envisaged. When people persisted in disagreeing,
matters were no longer brought before the committee, and then the meetings were
increasingly postponed and then cancelled.
I am trying to draw attention to a fundamental matter of process in our
own proceedings. There is no structured way of pursuing a sustained process of conflict
resolution and no commitment to finding one. We who advocate democracy and the politics of
process strike me as no better at it than the people whom we regard as to the right of us
and as the establishment. In spheres where we are in power we do not seem to me to behave
much, if any, better.
Two people whom I respect in most ways take the view that it cannot be
otherwise. One says that everyone behaves badly, that all institutions are corrupt and
that there is nothing that can be done. Beyond that, he says that since people behave
badly out of anxiety, to confront them with the wrongness of their behaviour will only
increase their anxiety and lead them to behave even more badly. I take this to be a
counsel of despair: we can analyse them but we cannot criticise or hope to change people
by appealing to moral or political values. Another who is being honoured across
town this very day wrote A Swiftian Diatribe against all institutions
and a trenchant critique of the inner worlds of those who strive for power and live in
their inner worlds at the nether end of their own psychic digestive tracts, which he calls
the claustrum. According to Meltzer, such people will do anything to get and
retain power, no matter at whose expense, and they are, he claims, in terror of being
expelled out the psychic anus and into a schizophrenic breakdown. I recognize this
personality type in a small number of figures in the psychoanalytic establishment, but
(call me naive if you wish) I do not see it in the characters of more than one or possibly
two of the people who have been fairly regular attenders of our annual conferences. And
yet we do not deliberate together or lay ourselves open to consultation from people
outside our particular institutions. There is no left caucus outside particular patronage
networks, no right to say ones piece, much less present arguments for an alternative
approach. The rule is to live and let live. We inhabit a series of fiefdoms which do not,
on the whole, interact. Putting this point another way, loyalty to our institutional
affiliations take precedence over our broader political beliefs. We are members of this or
that institution at a deeper level than we are leftists, socialists, or dissidents of any
kind.
I now want to bring my reflections even closer to home by quoting three
of the four paragraphs from the aforementioned admirable call for papers to this
conference:
Authority, tradition and modernisation in psychoanalysis and in society
need to be connected not sundered. We will welcome papers and presentations which give
substance back to concepts like 'responsibility', 'adulthood', 'authority', 'compassion',
leadership and governance. We will be interested in papers which
can present examinations of predicaments in concrete situations or specific institutional
contexts, and which may deal with ambiguities of role and of task in psychoanalytic,
political or policy terms. This will help us to think about what it means to be, for
example, 'a teacher' or a 'citizen' or social worker, or to describe forms of
creative social action which embody such meanings.
Daily experience is often in contradiction with public rhetoric but
cannot gain an adequate hearing. Public and political discourse is increasingly emptied of
desire, of a felt relationship to personal and social struggle. Contact with the
messiness, ambivalence and conflict of everyday experience seems to have become too
dangerous, too threatening as a source for political vision.
The title of the 11th Psychoanalysis and the Public Sphere Conference,
Where are the People? Expertise and Experience, invites contributions which
reveal and articulate how psychoanalytic thinking and engagement can rebuild the bridge
between private troubles and public issues. The conference will address the question of
how psychoanalysis can illuminate processes of social leadership, policy formation, and
social transformation.
We are invited to give substance back to concepts like
"responsibility", "adulthood, "authority",
"compassion", "leadership" and "governance", to
connect public discourse to personal and social struggle, to make contact with the
messiness, ambivalence and conflict of everyday experience, to rebuild a bridge between
private troubles and public issues all in the service of illuminating social
leadership, policy formation and social transformation.
I could not agree more. However, my experience in our own institutions
training organizations, university programmes, left projects and this conference
is that it is hells own job to get such discussions and attention to concrete
matters going, much less sustain them. Two or three years ago we were asked in the closing
plenary to create some way of sustaining communication between annual conferences. An
email forum and web site were created, and a print version for ongoing debates was mooted
but has not come on stream. I think I am right in saying that no member of the conference
except me contributes to the forum or proposes articles for the web site. I am even short,
after several requests, of one of the plenary addresses to last years conference. Why
do we not support our own responses to requests from our own participants? This may,
of course, simply reflect how few of us are as yet on the net, but I can think of a large
handful who are and are active in the conference but who have been utterly silent. Copies
of talks given to the conference have been requested for the web site. None has arrived
from the 1996 conference except from me. I should add that on an average day forty-five
people from round the world access our conference web site and its archives. The web site
provides an excellent way of sharing our deliberations with potentially sympathetic people
from all over and inviting them to join in our deliberations. I hope we can make more use
of the web site in the future and hope that the authors of papers presented to this
years conference will be more forthcoming with their papers.
I asked a contributor to a recent conference to comment on an essay of
mine in the light of the paper he gave which I felt took a very different line from mine.
I waited a year before reminding him. That was a year ago (or was it two?). There has been
no response. Regular attenders of the conference have voluntarily taken on
responsibilities editorial tasks and writing commitments for Free
Associations and have simply not fulfilled them. A touching gesture was made when two
of us resigned from the conference committee after many years of stalwart service. One was
a bouquet presented to the outgoing chairperson at the meeting after the last conference.
The other was the promise of a CD for me. It arrived almost a year later as it
happened, on my birthday. It is lovely and much appreciated, but I hope I am right to
think it isnt wild analysis to attach the word ambivalence to the giving
of the present.
When Free Associations was in danger of being sold by the people
who acquired control over Free Association Books, an initiative was taken whereby some
members of the board might have formed a consortium to buy it. However, the first gesture
was to get in touch with the people newly in control of the press, rather than with me,
with the result that when I made up my mind not to let it be sold I had to pay a multiple
of what I could have got it for if I had been consulted first. A market had been created,
so the sellers could hold out for a commercial price where they had up until then had no
bidders and would have sold it for very little. Moreover, I was told by the person
exploring buying the journal that he thought that, in the light of my increasingly
critical attitude toward the Institute of Psycho-analysis and other matters in the culture
of psychoanalysis, perhaps it was no longer a good idea that I should be editor of the
journal, one which I founded and which I have kept going at my own expense over many
years.
More recently I have been told that it is thought in some quarters that
my criticisms of the behaviour of the Institute of Psycho-analysis and its deferential
fellow travellers in the ongoing UKCP/BCP affair means that I have turned against
psychoanalysis. I have tried to correct this impression in what I have written and say
again here that what I am criticising is the arrogant belief that any one institution or
group of practitioners own or have an exclusive right to speak for
psychoanalysis. I use that phrase, because the external relations officer of the
Institute said in my presence at a public meeting last March that only the Institute
of Psycho-analysis speaks for psychoanalysis. The implication is that people
affiliated to the International Psychoanalytical Association (IPA) have some sort of
copyright and proprietary relationship with psychoanalysis. Lacanians are the first to
reject this claim and defy convention in this country by calling themselves
psychoanalysts. Practically all other psychoanalytic practitioners in Britain (including
me) defer to the tradition that only members of the Institute of Psycho-analysis call
themselves psychoanalysts. There are about 300 of them practising in Britain. The other
2000 plus psychoanalytic practitioners call themselves psychoanalytic psychotherapists. It
is therefore just about a plausible claim (pace the Lacanians) that the only the
Institute speaks for psychoanalysts, but psychoanalysis is another matter.
Barry Richards, Ros Minsky, Mike and Margaret Rustin, Paul Hoggett, Karl Figlio, Gianna
Henry, Em Farrell, Jeanne Magagna to name but a few colleagues whose names and
writings come readily to mind all speak admirably for psychoanalysis in this
country. I should perhaps add that Donald Meltzer, Charles Rycroft and David Malan speak
for psychoanalysis in this country, as well, and yet all of them have resigned from the
Institute of Psycho-analysis. Many esteemed writers who are not members of the IPA speak
eloquently for psychoanalysis abroad, e.g., Gérard Bléandonu, Michael Eigen, Kenneth
Eisold, the late Harold Boris. Moreover, in America, France, Brazil and Argentina and
perhaps elsewhere there are many non-IPA psychoanalytic institutions whose members speak
for psychoanalysis and call themselves psychoanalysts. Who on earth do the people think
they are who are attempting to own a rich tradition and treat critics of that approach as
enemies? It is grotesque. I owe a great deal to orthodox psychoanalysis, but it also owes
a great deal to me and people such as those I have mentioned. I should also mention in
passing that, with a small handful of admirable exceptions, analysts rarely attend
conferences, including this one (except as speakers, in which case they typically only
turn up to give their papers) which are not mounted by analysts or psychiatrists. They
must think they have nothing to learn.
You may wonder why I am labouring this point. One reason is that it has
lately been pissing me off. A serious reason why it has been doing so is the theme of a
recent paper of mine, entitled Psychoanalysis and Psychotherapy: The Grand Leading
the Bland, in which I argue that the hierarchy of training organizations, the role
and machinations of the BCP and the elaborate deference to IPA psychoanalysts on the part
of many leading figures in the worlds of psychoanalytic psychotherapy, psychoanalytic
scholarship and teaching have a baleful hegemonic influence on people whom I believe would
otherwise be more outspoken, publish more and be more original and creative. I believe
that we are living in a caste-ridden subculture in which people known to me former
colleagues and even comrades live in the lee of a structure of patronage which
requires deference to the Institute of Psycho-analysis and certain of its members and
protégés for legitimacy, joint projects, referrals and access to publishing outlets. Ask
yourself how many spaces there now are in psychoanalytic publishing for dissident voices.
Routledge, Karnac and the current regime at Free Association books dominate the field.
This sort of hegemony by which I mean the organization of
consent without the use of overt force and without much of the structure of power being
subjectively experienced by those labouring under it leads to some pretty
breathtaking behaviour. Ill give some examples which never cease to amaze me. The
analysts controlling the Lincoln Clinic and Centre for Psychotherapy removed the
organisation from the UKCP without consulting the membership. When the membership voted on
three successive occasions to rejoin, the Professional Committee simply ignored the votes
(all by substantial majorities), and the person who was then its chair (who also held the
most senior position at the Tavistock Clinic) announced at the AGM after the last vote
that they were not going to accede to the vote and also ruled that no discussion of this
matter would be allowed. When the issue was raised again at a subsequent meeting it was
made very clear which way students were expected to vote and that voting for UKCP
membership would jeopardise membership in the BCP, and the majority was reversed. It is no
wonder that people depending on this person for patronage which in some cases means
jobs and in others co-operation over programmes either defer to his views or take
care to hold no views on this matter.
In closing, I want to quote once again two sentences from the call for
papers: Public and political discourse is increasingly emptied of desire, of a felt
relationship to personal and social struggle. Contact with the messiness, ambivalence and
conflict of everyday experience seems to have become too dangerous, too threatening as a
source for political vision. I think those are profound words and thank whoever
drafted them. The passion I feel in reflecting on them is that of heartbreak. It breaks my
heart that a group of people could come together and bring into being a number of radical
initiatives such as this conference, FAB, FA and various courses only to find that
as they prosper their relationship with more conservative values has clouded visions,
blunted purposes and led to a deeply regrettable accommodation with a psychoanalytic
establishment which is, on the whole, far to the right in its authoritarian and
hierarchical ways of doing things of our politics of a decade ago. It can, of
course, still be claimed that we are committed to the public sector in, for example the
Tavi and the universities and to working with disadvantaged patients and students. But I
have always felt that radical politics was something more than noblesse oblige while
we carry on conducting the process of our political and social relations in traditional,
indeed, increasingly traditional, ways. When I look at what passes for the left in the
broader culture Blair and Clinton, to name but two I am not astonished, but
I an certainly sad and weary. I may be getting too old to be an actual manual labourer in
the spadework and the pouring of the concrete, but I would dearly love to see who, if
anyone, is queuing up for the task mentioned in the call for papers: to rebuild the
bridge between private troubles and public issues. I still think the personal is the
political and that only purity of means can justify and lead to good ends.
Paper presented to 11th Annual Conference on Psychoanalysis and the
Public Sphere: Where Are the People? Expertise and Experience, University of
East London, 30-31 January 1998.
REFERENCES
Dennett, Daniel C. (1995) Darwins Dangerous Idea: Evolution
and the Meanings of Life. N. Y.: Simon & Schuster; reprinted Harmondsworth:
Penguin, 1996.
Haraway, Donna (1989) Primate Visions: Gender, Race, and Nature in
the World of Modern Science. Routledge.
______(1990) Simians, Cyborgs and Women: The Reinvention of Nature. Free
Association Books.
Heyl, Barbara (1968) The Harvard "Pareto Circle", Journal of The History of the Behavioral Sciences, 4 (No. 4): 316-34; reprinted in
C. Chant and J. Fauvel, eds., Darwin to Einstein: Historical Studies on Science and
Belief. Longman/Open University Press, 1980, pp. 135-55; also at web site
http://www.shef.ac.uk/~psysc/rmy/circle.html
Meltzer, Donald (1992) The Claustrum: An Investigation of
Claustrophobic Phenomena. Strath Tay: Clunie.
______ et al. (1986) A Swiftean Diatribe, in Studies
in Extended Metapsychology: Clinical Applications of Bions Ideas. Strath Tay:
Clunie, pp. 191-202.
Psychoanalysis and the Public Sphere/ Free Associations web site
http://www.shef.ac.uk/~psysc/rmy/fa.html
Roudinesco, Elisabeth (1990) Jaques Lacan & Co. A History of
Psychoanalysis in France 1925-1985. Free Association Books.
______ (1997) Jacques Lacan: Outline of a Life, History of a System
of Thought. Cambridge: Polity.
Young, Robert M. (1996) The Culture of British Psychoanalysis and
Related Essays on Character and Morality and on The Psychodynamics of Psychoanalytic
Organizations.
______ (1997) Psychoanalysis and Psychotherapy: The Grand Leading
the Bland
Copyright: The Author
Address for correspondence: 26 Freegrove Rd., London N7 9RQ
robert@rmy1.demon.co.uk
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